THE REVOLT OF THE USELESS FURNITURE
THE REVOLT OF THE USELESS
FURNITURE
I.
On the 14th June this year the Bulgarian parliament appointed Delyan Slavchev Peevski as head of the State National Security agency. Mr Peevski is a difficult individual to translate into British a British context, however imagine if you will a combination of Rupert Murdoch and Ronnie Kray, though without the formers strong sense of morality and the latter’s humanistic compassion. Mr Peevski had previously been sacked from a government post for blackmail and lack of ‘morals.’
It is difficult though to find criticism of Peevski in Bulgaria, even in those elements of the media that he does not own, and this reticence is not just down to fear of libel. Now let Ivan Krastev take up the story.[1]
'Just hours after the decision
was announced thousands of people mobilised via social media ended up on the
street demanding his resignation. He resigned but this was not enough for the
protesters. People then asked for the resignation of the government that had
the perverse idea to appoint him. So every night since 14 June thousands of
protesters have taken to the streets of Sofia
asking for only one thing – early elections. But their protest is not just
against this government but against any government that treats people as useless
furniture.'
Bulgaria a participant in
events that have been sweeping the globe, from Tunisia, Egypt, Greece, Brazil, Turkey,
Bahrain, and much elsewhere. A new
dynamic, that manifested in the US and UK as Occupy and in numerous other, sometimes little reported, spontaneous actions in a
range of locations across the world. It is this world wide phenomenon that Paul
Mason both chronicles and analyses in this book.
Mason is a sympathetic
reporter, who understands the concerns of the poor Coptic Christian community
in There was an interesting moment on Newsnight[2] when Mason was reporting, admittedly rather breathlessly from
II.
The financial crash of
2008 coincided with the growing ascendancy of social media. As ruling elites
sought to inflict austerity on ‘passive’ populations, they suddenly found that
‘ordinary people’ had not read the script and were not prepared to play a
passive role. In short people took to the streets.
One key factor was social
media. As Mason chronicles protest groups now had the tools to mobilise mass
numbers; to paraphrase Stalin, one protester can be intimidated, whilst thousands
are just statistics.Through Facebook, Twitter and e-mail people can suddenly be brought together, avoiding the immense effort previously required to assemble protests, efforts of course always liable to infiltration and disruption. Thus the ‘online community’ can suddenly generate real life communities that can occupy a square or descend upon a police headquarters. All that is required is for a tweet or Facebook post to go viral. ‘Screw the government, meet in Square X tonight at
This of course is a
paradox, since the internet in many ways has led to a decline in community
activities in general and engagement in political parties in particular; that
is to a greater atomisation of society. The mass protests, revolts and
revolutions that have gripped the world since 2008 are replete with paradox and
contradiction, it is these very elements, that Mason explores, that have made
them so difficult to predict and control.[3] Out of anomie social media has given birth to
anarchy.
Mason gives 20 reasons why
things are ‘kicking off,’ and I don’t intend to rehearse them all here. You can
read the full 20 at http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/newsnight/paulmason/2011/02/twenty_reasons_why_its_kicking.html.
Several factors I would
particularly pick out would be, a) the end of the myth of endless economic
growth and the creation of the phenomenon of ‘the Graduate Without a Future,’
b) the free flow of information and the capacity this creates to mobilise against
repression, poverty and austerity, c) ‘new’ more democratic forms of protest
that are non hierarchical, thus allowing for greater flexibility and denying
elites the possibility of decapitating groups by singling out ringleaders.[4]
Once virtual communities
become real ones however a significant change occurs as people experience real
feelings of solidarity and camaraderie. As feeling of powerlessness begin to
diminish a new found confidence is born that governing elites increasingly find
difficult to combat, from Tahrir Square in Cairo to Taksim Gezi Park in
Istanbul, from the streets of Rio and the squares and Piazzas of Athens, the
same components have come together to create real forces of resistance.
Whilst the tools remain
the same the shape and form that resistance takes varies from country to
country to country and evolves in the light of prevailing circumstances. For
example the greater degree of repression the more important the anonymity
provided by social media.
We are blessed to be
living through interesting times and Mason’s book is a rather wonderful
description of the front line.
There is one sentence in
the book that really stood out for me, ‘Up until now talking about the end
of capitalism felt no more credible than talking about the end of the world.’
III.
We may be a long way from
hearing the death rites of capitalism however the kind of free market
capitalism that has been in the ascendant since the fall of the Berlin Wall no
longer feels either so secure or so inevitable. New models of how society might
be shaped are beginning to evolve, the power of solidarity is being
re-discovered and ordinary people starting to discover how they might take
power back into their own hands.
However it is important to
note that not every people’s movement
has been successful, and Mason deals less with these instances than I think he
should.
IV.
The fear of the growing power
of social media is now also beginning to trouble ruling elites in the more
‘stable’ states of Western
Europe and the US . One can already see the line of attack they are
taking, cyber bullying and child pornography providing the rationale for
greater censorship and control.[5]
Already e-mail, internet and Twitter
traffic is being monitored by the NSA in the US and at GCHQ in Cheltenham in the UK and I would not place much weight to the
assurances given by Parliament respecting this matter. It is also worth noting that Cameron was
calling for the temporary closure of Facebook during the 2011 riots.
The revolutionary events
of 2010 across the Arab world are still working themselves out; revolutions are
processes not events, they are organic and have a life cycle of their own. How
things will develop in Syria , Egypt , Tunisia and Libya we do not know. Whilst the wider crisis of
capitalism across Europe in general and the Euro-zone in particular continues
to wreak havoc in people’s lives and austerity to meet with increasingly
stubborn resistance. Revolutions are never completed in one bound, setting the
people to live happy ever after; progress is made, reaction then fights back, seeming
defeats can be seen, with hindsight, as victories , whilst ‘victories’ can turn
out to be hollow and empty.
Social Media has turned
out to be a game changer, though it is very far from guaranteeing victory to
progressive forces.[6] Governments
are quickly seeking way to neutralise the impact of the internet, Twitter and
Facebook.
In countries like the UK much will turn on how the disenfranchised, the
unemployed, those on low wages and zero hours contracts, respond to further
austerity. If they can link up with the graduates without a future and those in
the public sector who see services cut and their own standard of living
drastically reduced, a true force to be reckoned with would be born. It is this
force that Mason describes as it confronts governing elites in Spain , Greece , Brazil and Bulgaria and it is the spectre of this force that haunts David
Cameron and the governing elite here.
V.
Austerity, we are told, is
the new orthodoxy; here in the UK the government spending plans have been agreed
beyond the next election,- the Labour Party broadly accepting these plans. The
framework within which we will all be forced to live out our lives has been set
by ruling elites across the continent, the people viewed as so much furniture
to be arranged as required.
As I say the framework has
been set, only perhaps people may have other plans.
[2] A popular BBC current
affairs programme, often fronted by Jeremy Paxman, noted for his acerbic and
cynical style.
[3] Although the great crash
of 2008 has marked the starting point for the outbreak of protest and revolt,
the roots go back much further and can be traced back to the WTO demonstrations
in Seattle and the Orange
revolution in Ukraine .
[4] However non hierarchical
working is not quite as new as some protesters might imagine. Having worked in
a non hierarchical collective between
1987 – 1994 I can testify to that. The myths that surround non hierarchies and
collectives are put about by those who a) never worked outside of hierarchies
and b) those who wish to push the omnipotence of the hierarchy as the sole
practical form of human organisation. In practice non hierarchies are no more
demanding as organisational structures than hierarchies, though from the perspective
of quality of life they are very much greatly to be preferred.
[5] Nobody is of course going
to object to fighting child pornography and steps could be taken without the
intrusion of the state, though watch the card trick being performed that will
cast the net suitably wide.
[6] And of course the same
tools being used so effectively by the left at the moment can just as easily be
adopted by the right.
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