DEBATING MR FARAGE

If LBC the London based radio station is to be believed, and it is indeed very insistent, the most important news item last week was the debate on its own radio station between the leader of the right wing United Kingdom Independence Party [UKIP], Nigel Farage and the leader of the Liberal Democrats [Lib Dems] Nick Clegg. The item led its own news bulletins and phone in programmes, one of the most preposterous items being the claim that the debate was the talk of Berlin! I very much doubt that it was even the talk of Balham!
Nigel Farage

However leaving aside the exaggerated claims for the debate it was useful from one perspective since it subjected Mr Farage, a man with some pretty extreme opinions,  to the rigours of open debate. It was a shame that the debate was restricted to the topic of Britain’s membership of the EU, since this was Mr Farage’s home ground, his strong suite if you will, albeit in his inimitable little Englander fashion. Since UKIP now claims that it is now a political party and not just a pressure group it is in the policy ground away from its EU policy that the true nature of the party is exposed.
Farage makes much of his claim to be fighting for freedom and democracy, though the world he wants to bring about will feel anything but to the majority of wage earners in this country. Coincidentally at the same time as the debate was about to take 
place I came across this passage from a document by JP Morgan outlining the Banks problems with the EU. As the views it espouses are almost exactly mirrors the worldview of Mr Farage it is worth quoting in full. 

"The political systems in the periphery [of the Eurozone] were established in the aftermath of dictatorship, and were defined by that experience. Constitutions tend to show a strong socialist influence, reflecting the political strength that left wing parties gained after the defeat of fascism. Political systems around the periphery typically display several of the following features: weak executives; weak central states relative to regions; constitutional protection of labor rights; consensus building systems which foster political clientalism; and the right to protest if unwelcome changes are made to the political status quo. The shortcomings of this political legacy have been revealed by the crisis. Countries around the periphery have only been partially successful in producing fiscal and economic reform agendas, with governments constrained by constitutions (Portugal), powerful regions (Spain), and the rise of populist parties (Italy and Greece)."#

Mr Farage’s problem with the EU is not so much that it is undemocratic, as indeed it is, but that it is too concerned with social issues, workers rights, the environment, consumer protection; that, in short, the EU has too much the feel of social democracy about it. Mr Farage on the other hand believes in unfettered free market capitalism; he does not support the living wage and I suspect he feels less than warm about the minimum wage. He would happily consign to the bonfire a whole range of legislation protecting workers rights. He believes in the absolute minimum state, a reduction in public spending wholly incompatible with a healthy NHS and a welfare state.
The sooner Mr Farage’s opinions on these wider issues are exposed the better. So by all means debate UKIP’s position on the EU, but let us hear clearly how they would like Britain to look should we leave. 



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